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U.S.-Iran Ceasefire Talks: The Four-Sided Calculus Disturbing the Peace, Protracted Stalemate or Preparation for Decisive War?

The U.S.-Iran ceasefire rests less on a settled conflict than on a fragile, repeated game among America, Israel, Iran, and the Gulf states, each testing how much room remains for bargaining before escalation becomes self-sustaining.

刘燕婷:其实,海湾国家是当下美伊谈判的关键摇摆因素
Guancha · By 刘燕婷 中东问题观察员 · 16 April 2026 · read the original in Chinese →

4月7日最后通牒倒数前夕,中东战火突然峰回路转:美国伊朗宣布接受巴基斯坦斡旋,开始为期两周的暂时停火。

On the eve of the countdown to the April 7 ultimatum, the fires of war in the Middle East suddenly took an unexpected turn: the United States and Iran announced that they had accepted Pakistan's mediation and would begin a two-week temporary ceasefire.

平心而论,这种转折虽然出人意料,却也不是完全无迹可寻。因为早在3月中旬,伊朗就已提出各种版本的停战条件,特朗普更是反复强调双方“存在对话”,即便这种说法曾被伊朗嘲笑是“美国自己与自己谈判”,但从当下最新发展来看,特朗普的放话也不全是空穴来风。

To be fair, this turn of events, though surprising, was not entirely without trace. As early as mid-March, Iran had already put forward various versions of ceasefire conditions, while Trump repeatedly stressed that the two sides were "in dialogue." Even though that claim had once been mocked by Iran as "America negotiating with itself," judging from the latest developments, Trump's remarks were not wholly baseless.

Clearly, against the backdrop of widening destruction, the repeated fermentation of the Hormuz crisis, and Trump's impending visit to China, both the United States and Iran have a practical need for an "intermission." It is precisely for this reason that Pakistan was able to shuttle back and forth in mediation: first issuing a five-point initiative jointly with China on March 31, then putting forward a 45-day, two-stage ceasefire framework on April 5, and finally, on the 7th, securing assent from both Washington and Tehran before hosting ceasefire talks on the 11th.

Yet judging from the principal negotiators, who revolve around U.S. Vice President Vance, Trump's envoy Witkoff, Iranian Foreign Minister Araghchi, and Speaker Qalibaf, the current ceasefire is in fact more a reluctant point of overlap among the MAGA faction's desire to extricate itself, Trump's attempt at political damage control, and Iran's moderates' hope for respite, rather than a shared consensus among all parties to the war.

Under Pakistani mediation, U.S.-Iran talks were held in Islamabad. IC photo在巴基斯坦斡旋下,美伊谈判在伊斯兰堡举行。 IC photo

This may explain why, even as U.S.-Iran ceasefire talks are under way, Israeli airstrikes on Lebanon continue, Iran has not halted its drone attacks on the Gulf, and the negotiating process itself is filled with various monologues and tests of bottom lines. These include the fact that the so-called Iranian "10-point plan" exists in numerous versions; the signals are inconsistent over whether Iran's overseas assets will be unfrozen; Saudi Arabia has already asked Pakistan to prepare for an escalation of the war; and the United States, on the 12th, directly announced a blockade of the Strait of Hormuz and mine-clearing operations, then began blockading Iranian ports from the 13th, trying to regain battlefield initiative outside the negotiating table.

In the final analysis, from the prewar standoff to the present "intermission," the dangerous tug-of-war among the four parties to the conflict has never ended; it has only become relatively veiled after the ceasefire. The United States is still preparing on two tracks, diplomatic negotiation and military escalation; Israel still wants to continue the war while coordinating with Washington; Iran is likewise staging a strategic split between moderation and hard-line resistance; and the Gulf keeps drifting back and forth between de-escalation and pressure.

This four-way pattern of interaction is in fact a "repeated game" of the "prisoner's dilemma": an equilibrium short of decisive battle may be able to form, yet because all four parties to the conflict have incentives not to cooperate, and because each has already "violated the rules" multiple times, the prospects for the ceasefire remain murky, especially in the context of the April 11 U.S.-Iran talks failing to reach an agreement and Washington beginning to turn toward military pressure.

Therefore, what determines whether the current ceasefire can last, and in what form it lasts, may not be whether the problems have been solved or whether the conflict structure has collapsed, but how many bargaining chips and how much room for maneuver the four parties in the war actually possess, enough to let the situation form a new equilibrium of low intensity, or even no conflict, rather than move toward endless escalation and wartime turbulence.

Israel: Can continuing the war bring about peace?

First comes Israel, the most war-minded of the four parties.

There is no doubt that, compared with the United States, the Gulf states, and Iran locking horns over the strait, Israel's war agenda is plainly one of its own: even if its territory is being struck repeatedly by missiles, it will spare no cost to eradicate the Iranian threat; even if regime change is for the moment a road that leads nowhere, it will use war as far as possible to delay Iran's nuclear development, destroy its missile program, weaken the "Axis of Resistance," and at the same time intensify the confrontation between the Gulf Arab states and Iran.

This overwhelming, all-direction pressure arises from Israel's earlier logic, only now escalated in degree. Weakening the "Axis of Resistance," for example, echoes Israel's long-standing "mowing the grass" strategy in Gaza, its targeted killings of Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, and its low-intensity conflict with Lebanese Hezbollah. Other examples include assassinating Iranian nuclear scientists, blocking a nuclear agreement between the United States and Iran, and using the Abraham Accords to strengthen itself while squeezing Iran's regional influence.

If one were to compare this to a chess strategy, the operation resembles the Ruy Lopez, or Spanish Opening: using geopolitical positioning, preemption, and positional warfare to ensure that Israel can maintain a long-term first-mover advantage while forming strategic pressure against Iran.

Yet subsequent developments show that although Israel's "Spanish Opening" helped lengthen the rounds of its game with Iran and led the two sides repeatedly into a low-intensity "prisoner's dilemma," it did not eradicate risk. That risk was the "Al-Aqsa Flood" operation of October 2023: with Iranian coordination, large numbers of Hamas fighters infiltrated Israel, killed civilians, and abducted hostages, triggering the subsequent Gaza war of appalling cruelty.

From Hamas's perspective, this was a geopolitical gamble to pursue Palestinian national liberation and seize energy from the Palestinian government in the West Bank. Deduced from Iran's strategic thinking, it was a key step in preventing Israel and Saudi Arabia from establishing diplomatic relations. From Tel Aviv's standpoint, however, this was beyond question a grave "violation of the rules" by Iran and Hamas, a direct betrayal of the long-standing equilibrium.

As a result, beginning with the Gaza war, Israel triggered the "Grim Trigger" strategy of repeated games: in order to punish Iran for its 2023 breach of martial norms, Israel likewise refused cooperation in all subsequent rounds and repeatedly crossed red lines, including turning Gaza into a hell on earth, invading Lebanon and Syria in succession, fighting the "Twelve-Day War" with Iran in June 2025, then the U.S.-Israeli war against Iran in February 2026, followed by Israel's renewed war on Lebanon in March.

On April 9, in Beirut, the capital of Lebanon, houses destroyed by Israeli airstrikes. Xinhua, photo by Bilal Jawich4月9日,黎巴嫩首都贝鲁特,遭以色列空袭摧毁的房屋。 新华社发(比拉尔·贾维希摄)

Simply put, because Iran once "violated the rules," Israel has directly chosen punishment in every round that followed. To return to the chess analogy, no matter how long the two sides play, Israel refuses a draw in every game. Of course, the challenge this mad approach must inevitably face is the strategic retreat of its ally, the United States.

After all, Iran may be Israel's most direct national security threat, but this is not necessarily true for the United States, especially against the backdrop of America having once been mired in Afghanistan and Iraq and Washington's current intention to focus on the Indo-Pacific. Returning to the Middle Eastern battlefield would not only disperse strategic attention, but also inevitably face a challenge from public opinion. This can be seen consistently in America's continued mediation of a Gaza ceasefire, its forceful control of the situation in the late stages of the "Twelve-Day War," and its present hope for a "quick battle and quick decision" against Iran.

Clearly, although Israel can tie the United States to the war chariot, it must also face America's struggle to jump off it. Yet this is still very unlikely to force Israel to stop the war. Beyond Netanyahu's political need to continue the war because of electoral and judicial considerations, the reason also lies in the strategic inertia that has taken shape in Israel after the Gaza war: no matter how other players behave, Israel only wants to seize as many chips from Iran's hand as possible; that is, to use an even fiercer "Spanish Opening" to strangle any possibility of Iran's future recovery.

Thus, as the United States gradually goes "TACO," Israel has increasingly crossed red lines, including continuing to decapitate Iran's military and political leadership, striking Iranian oil tanks and gas fields, and insisting on not stopping its war against Lebanon. The purpose is to drive the war into continued escalation and force the ceasefire talks into deadlock.

Still, as the strategic divergence between the United States and Israel continues to widen, America jumping off the chariot is probably still the more likely trend; the only difference is how much time it will require. Even so, Israel has not come away from the war empty-handed. Since the geopolitical turmoil that began in 2023, Israel has already been gradually advancing its strategic objective of weakening Iran, including delaying the nuclear program and weakening sections of the "Axis of Resistance" such as Hezbollah and Hamas. Even though the Iranian threat has never been eradicated, Israel has already acquired enormous privilege to violate the rules through repeated escalation of the war. One might say that even if this war ultimately achieves a ceasefire, Israel's "mowing the grass" in Gaza, and perhaps even in Lebanon and Syria, will probably continue.

Of course, this approach may help short-term security, but it does not guarantee the consolidation of long-term peace. Yet within Israel's consistent understanding, continuing war can bring about peace: this was true in the past with the Arab states, and it is also true now in dealing with the Iranian threat. This is perhaps the most direct motive behind Tel Aviv's choice of the "Spanish Opening," its adoption of the "Grim Trigger" strategy, and its persistent resistance to ceasefire talks.

Gulf states: Is maintaining neutrality no longer enough to ensure security?

Next come the Gulf Arab states, whose stance is turning tougher.

In essence, the game between the six Gulf states and Iran began after the outbreak of the Arab Spring, when the Iranian "Axis of Resistance" kept penetrating the battlefields of Syria and Yemen, provoking an external counteroffensive and internal purge led by Saudi Arabia. In 2015, Saudi Arabia led the Gulf states in sending troops into Yemen in an attempt to weaken the Iran-backed Houthis. In 2017, Saudi Arabia joined Bahrain, the United Arab Emirates, Egypt, and other allies in collectively imposing a diplomatic blockade on Qatar, the member of the Gulf six most friendly to Iran.

Clearly, Saudi Arabia regarded the expansion of Iran's "Axis of Resistance" as tantamount to a "violation of the rules," and therefore resorted to military and diplomatic punishment.

Yet as the intervention in Yemen produced limited results and Qatar's stance remained as before, this game ultimately ended in Saudi strategic frustration. Forced to swallow the insult, Riyadh accepted the fait accompli of Iranian expansion and began a series of diplomatic efforts at damage control, including restoring relations with Qatar in 2021, restoring relations with Iran in March 2023, and resuming interaction with Syria's Assad regime in April. The purpose was to break away from geopolitical confrontation and concentrate on the industrial reform process of Vision 2030.

By the time the game had developed to this point, the six Gulf states, under Saudi leadership, had formed an opening akin to the "London System" in chess: a low-risk neutrality strategy focused on maintaining internal stability and avoiding being drawn into positional melee. From this, the Gulf and Iran ushered in a "spring of reconciliation" of smiles that did not reach the eyes.

Judging from subsequent developments, however, this strategy and peace did not last long, because the "Al-Aqsa Flood" operation of October 2023 once again catalyzed change. The proxy conflicts running through the "Axis of Resistance" not only burned back onto Iranian soil, but also gradually spread to Gulf states near Iran; Qatar, which had mediated the ceasefire, was even struck successively by Iran and Israel.

This exposed the awkward predicament of the six Gulf states: as the United States continues to withdraw from the Middle East, each country faces the Iranian threat alone and with insufficient strength, and can only choose diplomatic easing or active rapprochement. But when the conflict among the United States, Israel, and Iran heats up, these countries cannot truly avoid being harmed as bystanders, and so they confront the problem of choosing sides.

It was precisely amid this shift in circumstances that Saudi Arabia, already reconciled with Iran, chose secretly to "violate the rules": on the surface, it urged the United States not to use force; in private, it actively lobbied that "if you are going to strike, strike now." Clearly, this was the first crack in the six Gulf states' posture in the "post-Gaza war" context. Later, as the Iran war broke out and Iran began sweeping fire across U.S. military bases, hotels, airports, energy facilities, and even desalination plants in the Gulf, the foundations of the "London System" gradually began to shake.

For example, Saudi Arabia, which lobbied the United States to use force before the war, is now essentially preparing for escalation. In addition to agreeing to U.S. use of King Fahd Air Base, it has also, under the joint defense treaty, requested Pakistani troops and fighter jets to deploy. The United Arab Emirates, which has endured the most Iranian missile and drone attacks, was the first Gulf state to call for "opening the strait" and said it was willing to join U.S.-led military operations. Bahrain, representing the Gulf states, submitted to the United Nations a draft resolution on "restoring navigational security in the Strait of Hormuz," seeking to exert maximum international pressure on Iran. Qatar, meanwhile, has essentially abandoned its long-standing policy of neutrality and shot down Iranian military aircraft during the war.

Clearly, from the perspective of the Gulf states, regardless of why this war broke out, Iran's large-scale retaliation has violently shaken the Gulf status quo and constitutes a grave "violation of the rules" far exceeding past pressure. Tehran has therefore become, in the eyes of these countries, the greatest security threat, and the old "London System" naturally no longer needs to be maintained.

This tendency will inevitably affect the current ceasefire talks. Oman, for instance, which once mediated the U.S.-Iran nuclear issue, now basically does not dare respond to Iran's so-called proposal for "joint management of the strait." Kuwait and Qatar have even called on Iran to stop mobilizing the "Axis of Resistance" and have put forward claims for compensation. Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, and the United Arab Emirates have adopted the toughest posture: Saudi Arabia is already coordinating joint military action with Pakistan; Bahrain argues that any ceasefire agreement must include Iranian denuclearization and an end to mobilizing the "Axis of Resistance"; and the UAE likewise says that a plan to restrict Iran's missile and nuclear programs brooks no delay.

One might say that as the war drags on and the scale of destruction expands, the Gulf's overall position has gradually moved away from its former "London System" and toward Israel's "Spanish Opening." It has not yet reached the level of repeated punishment that would trigger a "Grim Trigger" strategy, and still retains space for cooperation and negotiation.

In other words, the Gulf is in fact the key swing actor in the current negotiations. If these countries choose to stop at the level of air-defense coordination, energy resilience, insurance coordination, convoy support, and diplomatic pressure, the conflict may remain within a high-risk but manageable framework. But if any Gulf state turns to active strikes, whether by participating in operations against Iran or fully opening forward operational support, the conflict could burst from a limited war into a Gulf-wide war. Apart from Israel, which would be extremely pleased to see such an outcome, this would probably be a dangerous development of high risk and high cost for both the United States and Iran.

Therefore, whatever bottom lines the United States and Iran may each hold, the Gulf states' gradually rising deterrence, and even their inclination to join U.S.-Israeli military action, will inevitably be incorporated into the calculations of the current negotiating parties. Iran, for instance, should probably understand that if a major war breaks out with the United States, the Gulf states will not only refrain from standing on its side, but may also become springboards for military attacks.

Finally, even if a decisive Gulf battle does not break out and the conflict ends in a ceasefire stalemate, the Gulf states' stance will probably find it difficult to return to the "London System." It may instead move toward tougher defensive coordination, because Iran's "violation of the rules" this time has given these countries a new understanding: regardless of why the war broke out, maintaining neutrality is not enough to ensure security. Of course, the Gulf is not about to become the next Israel, but in the collective security perception currently held by these countries, Iran is probably a more serious security threat than Israel.

On April 11, during Saudi Finance Minister Mohammed al-Jadaan's visit to Islamabad, he held important meetings with Pakistani Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif, Field Marshal Munir, and Foreign Minister Dar. Pakistani government's X account4月11日,沙特财长贾丹访问伊斯兰堡期间,与巴基斯坦总理谢里夫、陆军元帅穆尼尔及外长达尔举行重要会晤。巴基斯坦政府X

Original headline: U.S.-Iran Ceasefire Talks: The Four-Sided Calculus Disturbing the Peace, Protracted Stalemate or Preparation for Decisive War? This article represents only the author's personal views.

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