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Kazakhstan, once a precarious refuge or transit point for Russians fleeing political persecution and military service, appears to be dismantling its informal protections and yielding more readily to Moscow’s extradition demands.

Vlast · By Oliver Fisk · 30 April 2026 · read the original in Russian →

За последние месяцы несколько российских активистов и военных дезертиров были или могут быть экстрадированы из Казахстана. Среди них: Зелимхан Муртазов, Юлия Емельянова, Мансур Мовлаев, Семён Бажуков и Александр Качкуркин. Эти пятеро российских граждан, оказавшихся по неправильную сторону тесного сотрудничества двух соседствующих стран.

In recent months, several Russian activists and military deserters have been, or may yet be, extradited from Kazakhstan. Among them are Zelimkhan Murtazov, Yulia Emelyanova, Mansur Movlayev, Semyon Bazhukov, and Alexander Kachkurkin: five Russian citizens who have found themselves on the wrong side of close cooperation between two neighboring states.

Возможно, никто другой в мире никогда не оказывался в таком положении, как Зелимхан Муртазов на протяжении 117 дней.

Perhaps no one else in the world has ever been in quite the position Zelimkhan Murtazov occupied for 117 days.

Hiding from the Russian government, Murtazov became stranded in the transit zone of Astana International Airport, unable to leave Kazakhstan for a country where he hoped to seek political asylum. Instead, he faced the threat of deportation to Russia, which he says would mean certain imprisonment, as well as probable torture and death.

The 37-year-old Chechen deserter had previously served for two years in the Russian army and fought in Ukraine. In 2024, after fleeing military service, he went to Kazakhstan, one of four states with open borders for Russian citizens who lack international travel documents.

After an unsuccessful attempt to continue on to Turkey, he says his Russian internal passport was taken from him and he was sent back to Astana. There, border service officers refused him entry into Kazakhstan on “national security” grounds.

Since then, he has spent more than four months in limbo at Astana airport, surviving on charitable donations from sympathizers around the world. Murtazov’s story, reminiscent of Tom Hanks’s fictional tale in The Terminal, reveals an important fact: Russian citizens trying to avoid politically motivated persecution at home may not find safe haven in Kazakhstan.

At best, they may remain in Kazakhstan as long as they keep a low profile, unable to travel safely onward to third countries.

At worst, people are detained by Kazakhstani authorities and placed in extradition proceedings before being returned to Russia, where unknown consequences await them. At the same time, experts say, the extradition process does not always comply with legal safeguards.

Moscow Is CallingМосква зовет

The story of another Russian citizen facing deportation and politically motivated imprisonment at home also begins in an airport.

In August of last year, Russian activist Yulia Emelyanova was making a connection at Almaty airport, flying from Tbilisi, the capital of Georgia, to the coastal Vietnamese city of Da Nang.

When the plane landed in Almaty, the 34-year-old woman was forced to leave the transit zone in order to check in her luggage again, even though, according to the activist’s lawyer, she had initially been told that her baggage would be sent on to her final destination.

As Emelyanova was passing through customs, she was detained by Kazakhstan’s border service, after which local law enforcement agencies announced that they would immediately begin preparing her extradition to Russia.

The reason for Emelyanova’s detention soon became clear: Russian authorities had placed her on an international wanted list on charges of stealing a telephone worth 12,000 rubles, about $150, from a taxi driver in St. Petersburg almost four years earlier.

In her own country, Emelyanova had already been on the authorities’ radar for some time, but her detention in Almaty marked a new chapter in her long-running legal confrontation with Russian law enforcement.

According to Russian human rights organizations, Emelyanova took an active part in anti-government protests in 2017. She was also a volunteer with Navalny’s St. Petersburg headquarters, an activist organization that organized protests, monitored elections, and ran anti-corruption campaigns in support of the former opposition leader Alexei Navalny before it was designated “extremist” in 2021.

In September of that year, St. Petersburg police searched the activist’s home and took her to the nearest station in her nightgown. There, investigators showed her a phone that they claimed she had stolen, although the activist says she had never seen it before.

According to the Russian Anti-War Committee, a coalition of exiled Russian opposition figures and activists, and Kovcheg, a project supporting Russian emigrants who oppose the war in Ukraine, the Russian authorities’ case against Emelyanova was likely “politically motivated” and “fabricated.”

Pointing to several procedural violations, including the fact that the case was opened only a month after the alleged crime, Emelyanova’s lawyer Murat Adam agrees with the Russian organizations’ conclusions:

“I am certain the charges were falsified. The alleged victim himself, a migrant from Tajikistan, was deported. It is obvious that [the Russian authorities] put pressure on him, told him to do this and that, to file a complaint, and then deported him so that he could not be found,” he tells Vlast.

[Since his last conversation with Vlast, Murat Adam has been stripped of his law license over alleged violations unrelated to Emelyanova’s case. He challenged the decision, which drew criticism from international legal organizations, but lost his appeal on March 28.]

Fearing that the case would be rigged against her, Emelyanova left Russia before the trial, which was due to begin in July 2022, and settled in Tbilisi. There she began working with two human rights projects, Emigration for Action and Just Help, which provide assistance to Ukrainian refugees in Georgia.

According to Adam, the activist probably did not know that she had been placed on a wanted list and did not expect to be detained in Kazakhstan on her way to Vietnam.

After her detention by Kazakhstani authorities, Emelyanova was transferred to a pretrial detention center on the outskirts of Almaty, where she applied for asylum.

According to the Anti-War Committee, in October, soon after the activist’s detention, Kazakhstan’s Prosecutor General’s Office promised that neither she nor any other Russian citizen would be deported while their asylum applications were under review.

Catch and ReleaseПоймать и отпустить

Given that promise, until the end of last year Emelyanova’s case seemed to be following a predictable script.

After Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 and the first major mobilization in September of that year, Kazakhstan became a principal destination for Russian emigrants, colloquially known as “relocants.”

Not everyone left because they opposed the war; some were simply disappointed by their career prospects in a Russian economy under sanctions. But others, fleeing the Kremlin’s long arm, looked to Kazakhstan as a refuge or a transit point.

“When Kazakhstan was used as a transit route, it was somewhat safer. During the mobilization, many people left Russia and spent time in Kazakhstan, even if they were targets of political persecution,” Margarita Kuchusheva of the Anti-War Committee tells Vlast, recalling the first months of the war.

In some cases, Kazakhstani authorities received deportation requests targeting politically active relocants. When that happened, they were generally detained under extradition arrest while local prosecutors considered Russia’s request.

During this period, detainees filed asylum applications, setting in motion a parallel legal process that prevented their removal from the country.

The chances of receiving asylum were never very high, given the extremely small number of applicants to whom Kazakhstan granted refugee status.

But the appeals process often lasted for months, during which potential deportees could not legally be expelled from Kazakhstan. Once a year had passed, the terms of extradition arrest expired, which often allowed detainees to leave for a third country.

That is what happened to the Buryat journalist Yevgenia Baltatarova, who arrived in Kazakhstan in March 2022 but was denied refugee status. In Russia she had been repeatedly detained and barred from leaving the country because of unresolved charges. But in early 2024 the journalist received permission to leave Kazakhstan and go to France, where she was granted asylum.

Similarly, Denis Kozak, a 21-year-old anarchist and activist from Russia, spent a year in an Almaty pretrial detention center after being detained in February 2023 before receiving permission to leave for Europe in late March 2024.

Kazakhstan’s treatment of asylum seekers from other countries was little different. Several activists from the autonomous republic of Karakalpakstan within Uzbekistan, accused of organizing unrest, were also held for prolonged periods in Kazakhstan before being allowed to leave the country.

According to legal experts who followed her case closely, these examples supported the assumption that Emelyanova could expect similar treatment.

“When Yulia was first arrested, we did not think it would be a serious problem,” Kuchusheva says. “Usually [such people] are released from custody after a year, after which they can leave the country.”

“Of course, people have to spend a year in a pretrial detention center, which is, to put it mildly, an unpleasant experience, but then they are released and can move somewhere else,” added Denis Jivaga, director of the Kazakhstan International Bureau for Human Rights and Rule of Law.

More broadly, Kazakhstan’s “catch and release” system made the country a relatively safe haven in Central Asia for Russian citizens trying to leave their homeland in haste.

A Change in CircumstancesПеремена обстоятельств

In early 2026, however, Kazakhstan’s authorities abruptly dismantled the informal protection system that Russians in conflict with the Kremlin had previously used.

The decisive moment came on January 29, when the Prosecutor General’s Office granted the Russian government’s request for Emelyanova’s extradition and set in motion the process of deporting the activist.

The move was unexpected because it came before Kazakhstani courts had issued a final ruling on Emelyanova’s asylum application.

The activist’s application had initially been rejected in December 2025. But because her legal team appealed that decision, at the time her imminent deportation was announced in late January, the case was still supposed to be under court review.

Thus the decision did not conform to the usual practice of prolonged detention, and at the same time it contradicted the Prosecutor General’s Office’s earlier assurances that Emelyanova would not be deported while her case was under consideration.

In addition, Emelyanova’s legal team was outraged that the extradition decision had effectively been made in secret.

Both Adam and the Anti-War Committee told Vlast that they had received no notification from the authorities that Russia’s extradition request had been approved. They learned of it only from Emelyanova herself almost two weeks later, during a routine visit to the pretrial detention center on February 11.

After learning of Emelyanova’s situation, her lawyers immediately filed a complaint with Kazakhstan’s Supreme Court. Adam, for his part, argued that under “both domestic legislation and international law,” the Russian activist had the right to remain in the country while Kazakhstani courts considered her appeal against the denial of asylum.

Facing the prospect of deportation, Emelyanova wrote a series of letters published by the independent Russian outlet Novaya Gazeta Europe. She said she had lost her appetite, was having trouble sleeping, and was “literally dying of fear.”

“Even now, after four valerian tablets, another magnesium tablet, and calming tea, my hands are trembling and I am desperately fighting back tears. Dark thoughts come into my head,” reads one of the letters, whose authenticity was confirmed to Vlast by a representative of the Anti-War Committee.

Wanted, on the RunРазыскивается, в бегах

Aside from Emelyanova’s story, several other cases took place in late January that pointed to a sharp shift in Kazakhstan’s policy toward Russian citizens wanted in their homeland.

In one case, Alexander Kachkurkin, an IT specialist and Crimean native who had lived in Almaty for several years, was deported from Kazakhstan on January 28. That day he was detained by Almaty police for “crossing the road in the wrong place” and “smoking hookah indoors.”

According to First Department, a Russian human rights NGO, after Alexander’s arrest Almaty police drew up a report demanding his urgent deportation on the grounds that he had “shown disrespect for the sovereignty of the Republic of Kazakhstan.”

Within hours, Alexander was sent to Russia, where he was arrested on suspicion of treason, a crime for which he could face life imprisonment. Since then, the Nobel Peace Prize-winning human rights organization Memorial has recognized him as a political prisoner.

“Usually, when someone is arrested, news of it reaches us, even if indirectly. But with Kachkurkin everything was highly secretive: we learned about him only when [Russian] journalists began writing that he had been extradited,” Jivaga of the KIBHR told Vlast.

In another case, a Russian deserter named Semyon Bazhukov was detained by law enforcement agencies and secretly handed over to Russian military police in Karaganda Region. According to the Russian anti-war activist group Get Lost!, which helps Russian citizens avoid conscription and flee military service, this happened despite the fact that Bazhukov had repeatedly requested asylum.

“After he managed to avoid being abducted, Bazhukov was at a police station in Karaganda Region with a lawyer from the KIBHR when Russian military police officers arrived there,” Alexei Alshansky, coordinator of the Farewell to Arms project, another initiative that helps Russian deserters, told Vlast.

“He filed a second asylum application, the first he had submitted several months earlier, and from there the Russian military police took him away, without any official authorization. Since then we have had no contact with him,” Alshansky says.

A third situation that alarmed observers occurred on January 29, when Kazakhstan’s Prosecutor General’s Office approved the Russian government’s request to extradite Mansur Movlayev, a 29-year-old activist from Chechnya.

Movlayev, a longtime critic of Ramzan Kadyrov, Chechnya’s authoritarian leader, was sentenced to three years’ imprisonment in 2020 on charges that human rights organizations regard as politically motivated.

In 2022, Movlayev was released on parole, but later he was abducted by Chechen security officers. They allegedly took him to one of the region’s notorious secret prisons, where, he says, he was tortured. In 2023 he managed to escape and eventually reached Kazakhstan, where he lived until his arrest in May 2025.

Like Emelyanova, Movlayev applied for asylum, was rejected, and was challenging that decision when Russia’s extradition request was approved by the Prosecutor General’s Office.

He also wrote a letter from the pretrial detention center, appealing to the people of Kazakhstan for “any possible support” to prevent his deportation.

A False DawnЛожный рассвет

As Kazakhstan’s new stance toward Russian refugees became clearer, on February 24 Elena Zhigalenok, Movlayev’s lawyer, filed a complaint with Kazakhstan’s Supreme Court. She argued that extradition should have been suspended until her client’s asylum petition had been fully considered by the country’s judicial system.

The day before the hearing, the UN Human Rights Committee called on Kazakhstan not to extradite Movlayev until his complaint had been “fully considered.” His legal team noted that such requests are usually made only when there is a risk of serious harm, such as a threat to life or torture.

It is unclear what role the UN Human Rights Committee’s appeal played, but the Supreme Court ultimately upheld Zhigalenok’s arguments, suspending Movlayev’s extradition until the legal proceedings were completed.

“Movlayev’s term in custody must be extended until a final decision is made on granting him refugee status, but by no less than one month,” Judge Madeniyet Omarbekova said in announcing the decision.

Two days later, the Prosecutor General’s Office also suspended Emelyanova’s extradition procedure, apparently anticipating the same outcome if her appeal reached the highest court.

Emelyanova and Movlayev, together with their lawyers, had won a victory, but it proved short-lived. Within days, both of their appeals against the denial of asylum were rejected. In effect, this revived the risk of extradition while they await the results of further appeals.

In Emelyanova’s case, her lawyer Adam said the appeal hearing was marred by violations, including the court’s failure, without explanation, to consider an urgent submission by UN Special Rapporteur Mariana Katsarova.

“In my practice, this is the first time I have encountered a situation in which a case was heard in the absence of the plaintiff’s representatives, as well as such demonstrative disregard for the norms of the UN international conventions ratified by our country,” Adam wrote after the decision was handed down. “The impression is that the provisions of international law are ceasing to be taken into account in the consideration of such cases,” he concluded.

Commenting on both cases, Kazakhstan’s Prosecutor General’s Office said it saw no risks for either Emelyanova or Movlayev if they were extradited from Kazakhstan.

“All their arguments and materials were reviewed. We requested the relevant guarantees from our Russian colleagues, and we received them,” Deputy Prosecutor General Galymzhan Koigeldiyev said.

What NextЧто дальше

Emelyanova’s and Movlayev’s lawyers confirmed to Vlast that they plan to continue appealing the asylum denials. In their view, Kazakhstan’s obligations under international human rights treaties should afford them greater protection than they have received so far.

“I personally believe that Kazakhstan’s authorities are violating several international conventions the country has ratified, including the Convention Against Torture and the Refugee Convention,” lawyer Zhigalenok said.

…the essay continues at the source.

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