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The TPLF’s New Military and Political Structures in Tigray

As tensions sharpen between Tigray and the federal government and divisions deepen inside Tigray’s own political and military ranks, the TPLF has built new command and council structures that appear designed to preserve its decisive control over the region.

የትግራይ ተዋጊ ሀይሎች (TDF) ወታደራዊ አወቃቀር እና አዲሱ የጦር መኮንኖች ሽግሽግ

Wazema · By Wazemaradio · 30 March 2026 · read the original in AM →

Wazema has learned, through interviews with various sources, that following the emergence of a bitter dispute between Tigray and the federal government, and amid a deepening split among political and military groups inside Tigray itself, the TPLF has established a new military organization and political administrative structure.

Among the new arrangements is the chain of command under which the Tigray Defense Forces (TDF) have been organized. Our sources have told us that the new structure is one that enables the TPLF, by whatever means, to remain decisive in the fate of the region. Read the details below.

A threat of war has lingered in northern Ethiopia. In the shadow of this war cloud, the Tigray Defense Forces (TDF), which are said to have been carrying out a number of structural changes, have in particular over the past six months been undertaking reforms centered on the lower ranks, reshuffling senior military leaders, and reallocating troops. Although this reshuffle is intended to remove the army from political wrangling and bring it under a single central command, Wazema has heard from current and former members of the force that there remains considerable tension within it, along with shifts in alignment.

The Tigrayan force was established following the war that broke out in 2013 E.C. between the federal government and the TPLF. Rather than being a regular army, it is composed of members drawn from various sections of society: former members of the national defense forces of Tigrayan origin, members of the region’s prewar special force and police, militias, as well as students and trained volunteer youths engaged in different fields of work. Within this military force, former members of the defense forces of Tigrayan origin, especially those who had taken part in the TPLF’s 17-year struggle to overthrow the Derg regime, are said to be the army’s “backbone.” Deployment of the armies and strategic positions.

The army has four fronts and 12 numbered divisions. Although, for the sake of protecting military secrets, the information has not been made fully public, the armies known by number are the 12 divisions.

The Northern Front includes Army 15, headquartered in Adigrat; Army 10, stationed in the region’s Eastern Zone; and Armies 11, 13, and 17, which operate in the directions of Irob, Adwa, Aksum, and Badme.

The Southern Front includes Army 20, whose special name is “Anbessa” and which operates around Maychew and Mehoni, as well as Armies 21 and 23, which operate in the directions of Korem and Alamata.

The Western Front has under it Army 31, which voiced protest at the end of last year and operates around the border areas of Tselemti, Humera, and Mai Tsebri. Armies 33 and 35, which operate around Welkait and the Sudan border crossings, also fall under this front.

Army 91, also called the Mechanized division, is a heavy-weapons unit that had been led by General Gebremedhin (Dinkul) and is stationed in the area of Mekelle city known as “Kuha.”

Army 09, or the Commando division, is a force that guards key sites in the capital, Mekelle.አርሚ 09 ወይም ኮማንዶ ክፍለ ጦርም በመዲናዋ መቐለ ቁልፍ ስፍራዎችን የሚጠብቅ ሃይል ነው፡፡

Army 70, the force that split from the army during the war and remained in Sudan, is a mobile force located on the Sudanese border through “Hamdayit.” Beyond receiving military support from Sudan, this force has repeatedly been accused of participating in the ongoing fighting between the Sudanese Armed Forces and the Rapid Support Forces on the side of the Sudanese army. Bringing volunteers and militias into a centralized army structure.

The military force is divided into four fronts, known as the Northern, Southern, Western, and Eastern fronts. The four fronts have 12 divisions, or armies, under them.

In this regard, General Haile Selassie Girmay (Wedi Embeytey), as head of operations, coordinates all the divisions; Brigadier General Migbey Haile is commander-in-chief of the Western Front; General Yohannes Woldegiorgis (John Medid) is commander of the Southern Front; and General Fisha Kidanu (Manjus), head of the region’s Peace and Security Bureau, leads the Northern Front.

Over the past few months, the army has carried out a reshuffle of front and division commanders, a move said to be aimed at taking the force out of the framework of an irregular fighting force and creating a unified, strong defense force.

Members of the army who spoke with Wazema say that, at present, front commanders are being made to operate under one central system, or Central Command, as they did during the war. They said General Haile Selassie Girmay (Wedi Embeytey), formerly commander-in-chief of Army 3 on the Eastern Front and now head of the army’s operations division, oversees the army’s military movements. They also explained that this “Central Command” is led by the president of the Interim Administration, Lieutenant General Tadesse Werede.

They told us that Brigadier General Masho Beyene, who was commander of the Northern Front during the war, has continued in his post, while General Abraha Tesfay (Dinkul), who served as commander of the Eastern Front during the war, has been transferred to the Western Front. In addition, Major General Migbey Haile, commander-in-chief of the Western Front, has also been given overall responsibility for the army’s training and reform.

Under the reform, divisions, or armies, on each front have been strictly prohibited from undertaking any movement without orders from the Central Command. It will be recalled that the president said a new financial structure had been put in place so that the army, which had previously fought on a voluntary basis, would now formally become salaried by the government. The TPLF as a “Mekhete Council.”

This council was established in 2018 E.C. after dissolving the interim council that had been formed by the former president of the Interim Administration, Getachew Reda, and that included opposition political parties. Sources close to the regional government said the council, formed in response to the political crisis that arose in the region, includes members of the TPLF executive and central committees, front commanders, and senior military officers said to be “loyal” to the TPLF; its chair is Dr. Debretsion Gebremichael. The president of the Interim Administration, Lieutenant General Tadesse Werede, serves in the council in a deputy capacity.

They stated that any political or military decisions made in the region pass through this council, and said they believe the recent reshuffle of military leaders was also the council’s decision. Wazema’s sources explained that the council’s main purpose is to preserve the TPLF’s system and its political supremacy, and said the council operates above the Interim Administration. Division among senior officers.

Following the rift that emerged between the TPLF groups led by Dr. Debretsion Gebremichael and Getachew Reda, a similar division had arisen among senior officers in the army. It will be recalled that, in the aftermath, Brigadier General Gu’ush Gebre, who was accused in August 2018 E.C. of “plotting to attempt a coup” after mobilizing Army 15 and surrounding the Interim Administration offices with heavy vehicles mounted with DShK guns and other weapons, and General Teklay Ashebir (Wedi Ashebir), who openly declared his opposition to the system, withdrew themselves from the army.

Nor should it be forgotten that General Tsadkan Gebretensae and General Gebreegziabher Beyene (Wedi Antiru), who withdrew after opposing the decision taken at a January 2017 E.C. meeting of senior military officers described as “above corps level” to line up alongside the TPLF, also established their own armed force operating in Afar as a result of the split.

Sources close to the process told us that this configuration, which shows tendencies both of overlap and contradiction among the fighting force, the political organization, and the TPLF, gives the TPLF greater control and a leading role, while negatively affecting the region by widening the power struggle that has emerged there. [Wazema]