Pure Third Command (TCP)
Born from a schism inside Rio de Janeiro’s Red Command, the Pure Third Command has become Brazil’s third-largest criminal organization by combining territorial control, drug trafficking, alliances, and religiously inflected authority.

The Pure Third Command (Terceiro Comando Puro, TCP) is Brazil’s third-largest criminal organization and the second most powerful gang in Rio de Janeiro. Its origins lie in a split within Rio’s Red Command (Comando Vermelho, CV) in the mid-1980s. Its principal criminal activities are drug trafficking and retail drug sales, arms trafficking, and money laundering.
The Pure Third Command (Terceiro Comando Puro – TCP) is Brazil’s third largest criminal group and the second most powerful gang in Rio de Janeiro. Its origins can be traced back to a split within the Rio-based Red Command (Comando Vermelho – CV) gang in the mid-1980s. Its main criminal activities are drug trafficking and dealing, arms trafficking, and money laundering.
In This Profile:
In This Profile:
Recent TCP NewsRecent TCP News
June 2026: Raid Targets TCP Property-Seizure RingJune 2026 – Raid Targets TCP Property-Grabbing Ring
Police in Rio de Janeiro executed 43 search warrants against a TCP cell accused of driving residents and shopkeepers out of properties in the city’s central district. Authorities say the gang used threats, extortion, and forged documents to seize buildings. The properties taken over allegedly became faction assets and were used to launder drug money.
Rio de Janeiro police carried out 43 search warrants against a TCP cell accused of forcing residents and shop owners out of their properties in the city’s central region. Authorities say the gang used threats, extortion, and forged documents to seize buildings. The taken properties allegedly became assets of the faction and were used to launder drug money.
What Is the Story of the TCP?
What is The Story of The TCP?
In the mid-1980s, enterprising members of the Red Command broke away, forming a splinter group, the Third Command, to capitalize on Brazil’s rapidly expanding drug market.
In the mid-1980s, enterprising members of the Red Command split off, forming a breakaway group to take advantage of Brazil’s rapidly expanding drug market, the Third Command.
Some analysts say the split was driven by a leadership vacuum inside the Red Command, which at the time was led by a younger generation of gangsters. The dissident Red Command members who founded the Third Command wanted to establish a more efficient, business-minded approach to the drug trade.
Some analysts say the motive for the split was a leadership vacuum in the Red Command, which at the time was headed by a younger generation of gangsters. The dissident Red Command members who formed the Third Command wanted to establish a more efficient, business-like approach to the drug trade.
For most of the 1990s, the Red Command and its offshoot, the Third Command, were rivals and the dominant criminal actors in Rio de Janeiro, fighting for control of drug trafficking and extortion rackets across the city.
Throughout most of the 1990s, the Red Command and its offshoot, the Third Command, were rivals and the dominant criminal actors in Rio de Janeiro, battling for control of drug trafficking and extortion rackets across the city.
In the late 1990s, the Third Command formed a loose alliance with another emerging splinter group founded by former Red Command members, known as Amigos dos Amigos. Both gangs concentrated their efforts on taking territory held by the Red Command.
The Third Command formed a loose alliance in the late 1990s with another newly emerging breakaway group formed by ex-Red Command members known as Amigos dos Amigos. Both gangs concentrated their efforts on taking control of territory held by the Red Command.
The pact between the Third Command and Amigos dos Amigos generated tensions that eventually led to the Third Command’s collapse in the early 2000s. Third Command leader Nei da Conceição Cruz, alias “Facão,” who oversaw the group’s drug trafficking operations in the northern Rio area known as Complexo da Maré, grew frustrated by what he saw as encroachment on his territory by Amigos dos Amigos boss Paulo Cesar Silva dos Santos, alias “Linho.” As a result, Facão broke from the Third Command in 2002, created his own organization, and declared war on both former allies.
The Third Command-Amigos dos Amigos pact sparked tensions that eventually led to the collapse of the Third Command in the early 2000s. Third Command leader Nei da Conceição Cruz, alias “Facão,” who oversaw the group’s drug trafficking activities in the northern area of Rio known as Complexo da Maré, became frustrated over what he perceived as encroachment on his territory by Amigos dos Amigos boss Paulo Cesar Silva dos Santos, alias “Linho.” As a result, Facão split from the Third Command in 2002, creating his own organization and declaring war on both former allies.
Facão’s group remained a relatively minor player until September 2002, when the Third Command’s imprisoned leadership was wiped out in a series of assassinations orchestrated by the Red Command with the help of Amigos dos Amigos co-founder Celso Luis Rodrigues, alias “Celsinho da Vila Vintém.”
Facão’s group remained a relatively minor player until September 2002, when the Third Command’s imprisoned leadership was wiped out in a series of assassinations orchestrated by the Red Command with the help of Amigos dos Amigos co-founder Celso Luis Rodrigues, alias “Celsinho da Vila Vintém.”
The remaining members of the Third Command defected to more powerful organizations. Most local drug bosses pledged allegiance either to Amigos dos Amigos or to Facão, who used the moment to call his gang the “Pure” Third Command.
The Third Command’s remaining members defected to more powerful organizations. Most local drug bosses swore their allegiance to either the Amigos dos Amigos or Facão, who took advantage of the incident to name his gang the “Pure” Third Command.
Since then, the TCP has dominated drug sales in northern and western Rio, with an especially strong presence in the western neighborhood of Senador Camará and on Ilha do Governador, the largest island in Rio’s Guanabara Bay. The criminal group has also expanded beyond drug trafficking into the extortion of basic services in the neighborhoods under its control.
The TCP has since dominated control over drug sales in northern and western Rio, with a particularly strong presence in the Senador Camará neighborhood in the west of the city and Ilha do Governador, the largest island in Rio’s Guanabara Bay. The criminal group has also expanded its activities from drug trafficking to extortion of basic services in the neighborhoods under its control.
By 2020, one of the gang’s leaders, Álvaro Malaquias Santa Rosa, alias “Peixão,” had begun incorporating Israeli symbolism and Pentecostal religious principles into the TCP, including the belief that faith can bring material success. Peixão seized control of five favelas by using religion to consolidate his authority, founding what the media dubbed the “Israeli Complex” (Complexo de Israel). The TCP’s dominance over this area helped legitimize its parastatal military power and expand its influence in Rio.
By 2020, one of the gang’s leaders, Álvaro Malaquias Santa Rosa, alias “Peixão,” started using Israeli symbolism and religious principles from Pentecostalism in the TCP, such as the belief that faith can bring material success. Peixão took control of five favelas by using religion to consolidate his authority, founding what the media called the “Israeli Complex” (Complexo de Israel). The TCP’s dominance over this area helped legitimize its parastatal military power and expand its influence in Rio.
In 2024, the gang came under pressure from its rival, the Red Command, which sought to move into a TCP stronghold known as Morro dos Macacos, triggering dozens of shootouts.
In 2024, the gang came under pressure from the rival Red Command as it sought to move in on a TCP stronghold known as Morro de Macacos, leading to dozens of shootouts.
The gang has also expanded its activities into other states. In 2025, authorities convicted 13 TCP members in the southeastern state of Minas Gerais for drug trafficking and money laundering. That same year, the TCP took over the Guardians of the State (Guardiões do Estado, GDE), a gang from the northeastern state of Ceará that was facing a crisis. The merger was a key element in the TCP’s rapid growth beyond its home state.
The gang has also expanded its activities to other states. In 2025, authorities convicted 13 TCP members in the southeastern state of Minas Gerais for drug trafficking and money laundering. In the same year, the TCP took over the gang Guardians of the State (Guardiões do Estado – GDE), from the northeastern state of Ceará, which was facing a crisis. The merger was a key part of TCP’s rapid growth beyond its home state.
In November 2025, an operation in the southeastern state of Espírito Santo revealed that the TCP had forged alliances with Brazil’s largest gang, the First Capital Command (Primeiro Comando da Capital, PCC), and a local criminal group called the Capixaba Family Association (Associação Família Capixaba, AFC), in order to fight another Espírito Santo gang, the First Command of Vitória (Primeiro Comando de Vitória, PCV).
In November 2025, an operation in the southeastern state of Espírito Santo revealed that the TCP had forged alliances with Brazil’s largest gang, the First Capital Command (Primeiro Comando da Capital – PCC) and a local criminal group called Capixaba Family Association (Associação Família Capixaba – AFC) to fight another Espírito Santo’s gang, the First Command of Vitória (Primeiro Comando de Vitória – PCV).
In April 2026, police in the Midwestern Federal District identified links between local criminals and the TCP involving drug trafficking and money laundering. And in May, an operation revealed that the gang maintains sophisticated military capabilities, with subterranean bunkers and forest encampments used as support bases for moving drugs and weapons.
In April 2026, police in the Midwestern state of Distrito Federal identified links between local criminals and the TCP around drug trafficking and money laundering. And in May, an operation revealed that the gang maintains sophisticated military capabilities, with subterranean bunkers and forest encampments used as support bases for moving drugs and weapons.
Who Leads the TCP?
Who Are the Leaders of the TCP?
Like Rio’s other leading criminal groups, the TCP lacks a strong hierarchy. Rather than a vertical, mafia-style organization, it functions as a loose horizontal coalition of local crime bosses who forge alliances around mutually beneficial interests.
The TCP, like Rio’s other top criminal groups, lacks a strong hierarchy. Rather than a vertical, mafia-type organization, the group functions as a loose horizontal coalition of local crime bosses who forge alliances based on mutually beneficial interests.
Within the gang’s loose structure, Peixão is one of the TCP’s principal leaders. He has managed to establish authority and consolidate the gang’s power over other groups in Rio by interweaving Pentecostal faith with criminal violence.
Within the gang’s loose structure, Peixão is one of the TCP’s main leaders. He has been able to establish authority and consolidate the gang’s power over other groups in Rio by intertwining Pentecostal faith with criminal violence.
Many of the TCP’s top leaders have avoided arrest by using an effective network of lookouts and by paying bribes to both civil and military police officers.
Many of the TCP’s top leaders have avoided arrest by employing an effective system of lookouts and paying bribes to both civil and military police officers.
The group’s founding leader, Facão, was arrested and imprisoned in 2009. He was succeeded by Marcio José Sabino Pereira, alias “Matemático,” who died in a gunfight with police in 2012.
The group’s founding leader, Facão, was arrested and imprisoned in 2009. He was succeeded by Marcio José Sabino Pereira, alias “Matemático,” who died during a gunfight with police in 2012.
Fernando Gomes de Freitas, alias “Fernandinho Guarabu,” was one of the TCP’s most important leaders and oversaw the group’s territorial hold over neighborhoods on Ilha do Governador for more than a decade. In 2019, he was killed by police during an operation.
Fernando Gomes de Freitas, alias “Fernandinho Guarabu,” was one of the TCP’s most relevant leaders, and oversaw the group’s territorial hold over neighborhoods on Ilha do Governador for over a decade. In 2019, he was killed by the police in an operation.
Where Does the TCP Operate?
Where Does the TCP Operate?
The influence of the Pure Third Command has spread across Rio de Janeiro, and it is the criminal group with the third-largest territory in the city, after the Red Command and the militias, paramilitary-style groups made up of former or current security agents. The TCP’s main territorial stronghold, the Israeli Complex, comprises five favelas in northern Rio. The group also controls Morro dos Macacos, another favela in northern Rio that is frequently contested because of incursions by the Red Command. In addition, the Pure Third Command maintains a presence in the Baixada Fluminense suburbs, north of Rio de Janeiro proper.
The Pure Third Command’s influence has spread across Rio de Janeiro, and it is the criminal group with the third-largest territory in the city, after the Red Command and militias—paramilitary-style groups composed of former or current security agents. The TCP’s main territorial stronghold, the Israeli Complex, consists of five favelas in northern Rio. The group also controls Morro dos Macacos, another favela in northern Rio that is frequently under dispute due to incursions by the Red Command. Additionally, the Pure Third Command maintains a presence in the Baixada Fluminense suburbs, which lie north of Rio de Janeiro proper.
The gang has also allegedly used the religious principles it preaches to expand its operations into other Brazilian states, including Ceará, Minas Gerais, Espírito Santo, and the Federal District.
The gang has also allegedly used the religious principles it preaches to expand its operations to other Brazilian states, such as Ceará, Minas Gerais, Espírito Santo, and Distrito Federal.
Who Are the TCP’s Allies and Enemies?
Who Are the TCP’s Allies and Enemies?
The Pure Third Command has traditionally been pitted against Rio de Janeiro’s other two largest gangs, Amigos dos Amigos and the Red Command.
The Pure Third Command has traditionally been pitted against Rio de Janeiro’s other two largest gangs, the Amigos dos Amigos and the Red Command.
The Pure Third Command’s main allies are corrupt security-force officers, who largely turn a blind eye to its activities in exchange for kickbacks and often supply the group with weapons. The gang is also believed to cooperate at times with Rio’s militia groups as a strategy for fighting the Red Command.
The Pure Third Command’s main allies are corrupt security force officers, who largely turn a blind eye to their activities in exchange for kickbacks, and often supply the group with weapons. The gang is believed to occasionally cooperate with Rio’s militia groups, as a strategy to fight the Red Command.
In other states, the TCP has taken over Ceará’s Guardians of the State and forged alliances with São Paulo’s PCC and Espírito Santo’s Capixaba Family Association (Associação Família Capixaba, AFC), with the aim of expanding its control.
In other states, the TCP has taken over Ceará’s gang Guardians of the State and forged alliances with São Paulo’s PCC and Espírito Santo’s Capixaba Family Association (Associação Família Capixaba – AFC), aiming to expand its control.
What Lies Ahead for the TCP?
What Lies Ahead for the TCP?
The Pure Third Command has been expanding its power as Rio’s third most powerful criminal force, behind only the Red Command and the militias. The gang controls key drug-trafficking areas in Rio de Janeiro and has managed to sustain its influence in the city, especially as the mobilization of Pentecostalism becomes more common among criminals in Brazil.
The Pure Third Command has been expanding its power as Rio’s third most-powerful criminal force, right behind the Red Command and the militias. The gang controls key drug trafficking areas in Rio de Janeiro and has been able to sustain its influence in the city, especially as the mobilization of Pentecostalism becomes more frequent among criminals in Brazil.
The TCP’s rapid growth has established it as the third-largest criminal gang in Brazil, with a presence in at least nine states beyond Rio de Janeiro. Its 2025 merger with Ceará’s Guardians of the State suggests that the group continues to expand its membership, territory, and criminal power.
TCP’s rapid growth established the group as the third-largest criminal gang in Brazil, with a presence in at least nine states besides Rio de Janeiro. Its 2025 merger with Ceará’s Guardians of the State suggests the group keeps expanding its membership, territory, and criminal power.